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Unsung Heroes of June 12: They Fought, We Forgot
Ngugi As I Remember Him
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By Idowu Ephraim Faleye
As the nation prepares once again to mark the anniversary of June 12, the memories of Nigeria’s long and painful march to democracy rise to the surface. The stories of courage, sacrifice, and the defiance of tyranny will echo across television stations, newspaper pages, and political podiums. Names like Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, the winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election, and his brave wife Kudirat Abiola, will be called out with deserved reverence. The country will remember General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, who died in detention, and Pa Alfred Rewane, who was murdered in his own home. These names have become familiar symbols of the democracy we enjoy today. Their faces have been etched into our national consciousness. Their sacrifices are well known.
However, as we honor these fallen giants of our democratic history, we must ask ourselves a sobering question. What about those whose names are barely mentioned? What about the ones who also risked everything—some their careers, others their lives, and some even their future freedom—but who are hardly ever remembered? What about the unsung heroes of the June 12 struggle?
One such man is Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar (Rtd.). A man of rare courage. A man who stood on the side of truth at a time when most people in uniform were either silent or complicit. He was not a politician. He was not a civilian activist. He was a serving military officer who dared to speak out against the injustice of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. That election, won by MKO Abiola, was regarded far and wide as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history. It was a defining moment that could have transformed our country, but instead, it was stolen in broad daylight by the very institution that was meant to protect the people’s will.
Colonel Umar did not keep quiet. As a Military Governor of Kaduna State and a respected voice in the military, he used his position to challenge the decision of the ruling military Council. He criticized the annulment openly and called for the restoration of Abiola’s mandate. In doing so, he challenged not just General Ibrahim Babangida, who orchestrated the annulment, but also General Sani Abacha, who later took over and unleashed a reign of terror on pro-democracy forces. Colonel Umar knew what it meant to stand alone in the military. He knew the risks—dismissal, detention, or even death. But he chose to speak truth to power. And for that, he paid dearly. His military career was cut short. But his name should never be forgotten. He is one of the unsung heroes of June 12.
There is another group of Nigerians whose story is even more haunting. Their names are rarely mentioned during national commemorations. Yet, their actions were perhaps among the most daring in the history of the struggle. They were not seasoned activists. They were young men. Just four of them. Members of a group called the Association for the Advancement of Democracy in Nigeria (AADN). On October 25, 1993, just months after the annulment of the June 12 election, they hijacked a Nigerian Airways Airbus A310 in a desperate attempt to force the world to pay attention to the injustice that had been done to the Nigerian people.
The leader of the group was Benson Odugbo Eluma. The others were Richard Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, and Kenechukwu Nwosu. Their plan was audacious. Some would say reckless. But it was driven by patriotic frustration. They boarded a domestic Lagos–Abuja flight with over 150 passengers on board, including top government officials. Mid-flight, they took control of the plane and diverted it first to Niamey, Niger Republic, and then to Frankfurt, Germany. They renamed the aircraft “Free Nigeria” and distributed pamphlets onboard, demanding the restoration of MKO Abiola’s stolen mandate and a return to civilian rule.
They were arrested in Frankfurt, tried, and sentenced to long prison terms in Germany. In those cold prison cells, their youthful dreams were buried. Their families suffered. Their future was damaged. And when they eventually left prison, they returned to a nation that had moved on, one that barely remembered their names, let alone their sacrifice. Among them, only Richard Ogunderu has since come forward to tell his side of the story. The others faded into anonymity, with no honor, no recognition, and no rehabilitation.
The hijacking, no doubt, was condemned by many at the time. And rightly so—no democratic society can condone violence or the threat to civilian lives. But if we look deeper, we will see that their action was not born out of personal gain or criminal intent. It was a desperate cry for justice in a country that had silenced all other voices. These young men believed that if they could draw the world’s attention, perhaps the Nigerian military would be forced to do the right thing. They risked their lives, and they gave up their freedom for a cause they believed in. Whether we agree with their method or not, we cannot deny their courage. They, too, are heroes of the June 12 struggle. Unsung, but heroes all the same.
Sadly, the silence that surrounds these names is deafening. Every year, the country rolls out ceremonies to honor the memory of democracy’s martyrs. We remember Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Chief Arthur Nwankwo, Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Chief Frank Kokori, Chief Bola Ige, and Chief Adekunle Ajasin. We recall with pride the roles played by Chief Edwin Clark, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Ayo Fasanmi, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Olabiyi Durojaiye, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, and Chima Ubani. All of them have now passed on, their contributions woven into the fabric of our history. Their pictures often appear in newspapers. Their names are mentioned in government speeches.
But Colonel Dangiwa Umar? The AADN boys? Not a whisper. Not a mention. This is not just an oversight. It is an injustice. If we truly value the democracy we now enjoy—if we understand the weight of what was lost and what was fought for—then we must remember all who contributed. Not just the popular names. Not just those who were part of political organizations or whose profiles were high. But also those who acted alone. Those whose courage cost them everything. Those who are still alive today and walk among us quietly, without recognition or reward. Or those who, like the hijackers, returned from foreign prison cells to find that their country had forgotten them.
This is why the time has come for Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu—a man who himself was a target of the military and a major figure in the June 12 resistance—to set the record straight. He has the moral and historical obligation to make sure that no hero of June 12 is left behind. He must remember them all. He must tell their stories. He must honor their bravery.
And more than that, he must act. Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar deserves national recognition. His role in challenging the military dictatorship must be acknowledged with an award befitting his uncommon bravery. The AADN boys—Benson Eluma, Richard Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, and Kenechukwu Nwosu—must be rehabilitated. Their actions must be officially recognized for what they were: Patriots, though desperate, stand against military tyranny. They must be compensated, not just financially, but with dignity. Their names must be restored to the honor roll of our democratic struggle.
We cannot allow history to forget them. We cannot continue to celebrate some and ignore others. The story of June 12 is not complete without them. Their sacrifice was just as real. Their pain, just as deep. Their courage, just as inspiring. And if we let their names die in silence, we are telling future generations that only some kinds of heroism matter.
As June 12 approaches, let us reflect not just on the well-known faces that grace our history books, but also on the forgotten ones whose bravery has been buried under the weight of time. Let us speak their names. Let us tell their stories. Let us honor them—because they, too, gave us this democracy.
And to the families of these unsung heroes, to the men who still carry the scars of their sacrifice in silence, and to the ones whose dreams were cut short in the name of justice, we say: you are not forgotten. Your story matters. Your struggle was not in vain. One day, this nation will remember you—not with silence, but with honor. And on that day, your courage will shine as brightly as any other name in the golden book of Nigeria’s freedom.
Idowu Ephraim Faleye writes from Ado-Ekiti +2348132100608

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By Toyin Falola
Africa has always been essential to world events. However, history has sometimes misunderstood or reduced its importance. The continent has been positioned as a peripheral actor, influenced externally instead of acknowledged as a driver of world events. Stories emerging from colonialism and carried through post-colonial political and economic systems help to shape this view. Although Africa has certainly had structural obstacles impeding its growth on its terms, these constraints define no more the continent. Africa is claiming itself in worldwide trade, government, and cultural dialogue as a new era opens up.
It is historically untrue to view Africa as an isolated or reactive continent. African societies participated in sophisticated trading networks, added to world knowledge, and created political and economic systems that stretched beyond their boundaries long before colonial involvement. While the Swahili Coast linked the continent to the Middle East and Asia, West Africa’s gold and salt trade routes drove the medieval economy. Timbuktu and other cities were intellectual centers as well as commercial hubs. African influences persisted in sometimes unnoticed ways even as Europe and the Americas grew to be globally dominant. Apart from being a human disaster, the forced migration of Africans across the transatlantic slave trade was an economic driver for Western industrialization since African labor and knowledge shaped economies and societies well beyond their continent.
Rather than including Africa in globalization on reasonable terms, colonialism reinterpreted its function to serve outside interests. African nations were turned to provide raw materials for European businesses, and governments were installed to keep control over these riches. The political and economic systems of the continent were upset, producing effects that lasted long, even after independence. The outcome was a globalization process whereby Africa was positioned as a consumer instead of an innovator, a provider instead of a producer. Political freedom did not always translate into economic self-determination as new forms of dependency evolved through financial institutions, trade agreements, and foreign aid frameworks, limiting Africa’s capacity to define its development agenda.
But the story is changing here. Africa no longer finds satisfaction in only observing globalization. It is an active participant in it. The continent is creating political and economic coalitions that give regional concerns first priority, growing businesses less dependent on outside markets, and using its intellectual and cultural assets to shape world events. One of the most ambitious proposals in contemporary economic history, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), creates a united market that might drastically change the trade dynamics of the continent. African countries are demanding a seat at the table where world policies are created, confronting antiquated power systems and thereby expressing themselves in international institutions.
Beyond political and financial changes, Africa’s cultural might is reinventing its reputation. Rising African music, film, literature, and fashion on the international scene is as strategic as much as an aesthetic victory. It challenges preconceptions and offers a story of Africa as a site of leadership, inventiveness, and fortitude. Afrobeats, Nollywood, and African writers’ impact on international entertainment sectors is evidence of the continent’s capacity to drive cultural globalization rather than to be impacted by it.
The political and economic change in Africa is drastically changing its interaction with the world. Global integration for African countries meant working inside systems created by foreign powers for far too long. It is not designed to help Africa but rather to extract from it the commercial links, banking institutions, and governance structures that determined Africa’s position in globalization. As African countries exert more control over their economies, boost regional cooperation, and question antiquated dependencies that have historically hampered their capacity to compete on equal terms, this reality is being rewritten.
The center of this change is the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). With so many members, it is the biggest free trade agreement in the world, meant to remove commercial restrictions between African countries. Stronger regional trade networks are helping to counterbalance previous dependence on European, American, and Chinese markets for exports. African nations are giving industrialization and value-added production first priority rather than just providing raw resources to be handled elsewhere. Investment in manufacturing, infrastructure, and logistics will determine the long-term viability of this change, thereby guaranteeing that African economies are not only suppliers but also manufacturers of goods for world markets.
Many parts of the economy already show this shift clearly. Many nations, like Morocco, South Africa, and Ghana, have seen a growth in automobile manufacture. This is so because local assembly factories are manufacturing vehicles for both home and foreign markets. The Nigerian technology sector shows that African countries may lead in terms of innovation instead of just following global norms. Along with addressing issues of financial inclusion within Africa, fintech companies like Paystack and Flutterwave are vying in global markets. These changes point to a basic break from the past when the main determinant of Africa’s economic importance was raw commodity export.
Foreign direct investment still plays a major role in deciding the growth of Africa’s economy, even if its dynamics are changing. The growing relevance of China, India, Turkey, and Gulf states in a range of sectors means that traditional Western investors are no longer the only players in African markets. African countries are approaching the negotiating of investment agreements with increasing strategic orientation. Their priorities now are making sure accords help local businesses, not only helping to extract resources. This realignment of economic linkages guarantees economic sovereignty even if it does not always imply economic sovereignty. Whether it is through loan structures that are not sustainable or through excessive reliance on knowledge from other nations, the risk of new kinds of dependency is still an issue that has to be dealt with in a suitable way.
The continent’s involvement with globalization covers political as well as financial spheres on its own. For a very long period, African nations have been underrepresented in systems of world decision-making. This is so because organizations like the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations Security Council frequently minimize the value of African opinions. The demand of African leaders for a more efficient global governance system, considering the demographic and economic weight of their continent, explains the surge in the frequency of calls for reform of these organizations. Though development in these spheres has been slow, the growing cooperation among African states at international forums shows that the total influence of the continent is challenging to overlook.
By means of its diplomatic interventions and peacekeeping activities, which refute the belief that Africa depends on the stability offered by outside nations, the African Union (AU) has grown into a more potent political entity. The capacity of the African Union (AU) to arbitrate conflicts in Ethiopia, Sudan, and the Sahel proves that Africa can manage its security issues without depending just on the participation of the United Nations or the West. Policies that support integration and economic development also influence regional economic groups such as the East African Community (EAC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
The demographic advantage Africa has helps to define its global orientation even more. By the year 2050, the population of the continent is expected to exceed 2.5 billion. Hence, the workforce of the continent will be among the most important worldwide. This offers a chance to boost world output, creativity, and market expansion on the one hand; on the other hand, if economic systems are not built to handle the rising workforce, this could also render them susceptible. The sectors pushed by technology, vocational training, and education spending will decide whether or not Africa’s demographic explosion turns into a benefit or a challenge.
One should be aware that systematic problems still exist despite these developments. As demonstrated by the unstable economic conditions brought about by the COVID-19 epidemic and the instability of commodities prices, many African countries still find themselves in a situation whereby they are exposed to exogenous shocks. Bad infrastructure, corruption, and weak institutions let to continue run the danger of slowing down development. African nations are demanding debt relief and financial sovereignty more and more, even if predatory loan practices and foreign financial influences still limit fiscal freedom.
In the framework of globalization, Africa’s increasing importance transcends political realignment and economic strategy. The intellectual and cultural contributions made by the continent are changing world narratives, outmoding ideas are being questioned, and the continent is claiming a more complex identity in the framework of international discussion. The return of indigenous knowledge systems, the development of African creative industries, and the increasing representation of African voices in international academics all point to a transformation in the way that Africa interacts with the world. Africa is now actively participating in the creation of the globe, not only a passive subject of tales from far-off regions.
Powerful outlets for the worldwide redefining of Africa have included musical compositions, film pictures, literary works, and fashion. Afrobeats has evolved from a regional genre into a major influence in popular culture all around the world as artists like Burna Boy, Wizkid, and Tems have headline events all over the world and developed relationships with legendary figures from all around the world. Apart from providing entertainment value, this cultural explosion is a diplomatic and economic tool as well. Currently striving to grow their businesses are African artists, filmmakers, and designers who create businesses that bring in money, create employment opportunities, and present Africa as a creative center rather than a catastrophe. Attracting foreign investment and distribution arrangements with outlets like Netflix and Amazon Prime, the Nigerian film sector—also known as Nollywood—has expanded to rank second among all film industries worldwide. Nollywood was once seen as a low-budget business catering just for home consumption.
This cultural development is important for reasons other than aesthetics. Stories of conflict, poverty, and underdevelopment dominated Africa’s image in the media for decades, so supporting preconceptions that justified political and economic exclusion. Presenting Africa in its richness, the success of African artists, writers, and filmmakers actively challenges these falsehoods. Long revered in scholarly circles, African literature is today a worldwide commercial force, with writers like Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie influencing debates on feminism, identity, and decolonization well beyond the continent. With fashion companies in Lagos, Dakar, and Johannesburg sparking worldwide discussions on sustainable and ethical fashion, African designers are establishing trends rather than replacing them. These sectors are actively influencing Africa rather than only reflecting its increasing global profile.
Along with the creative sectors, African intellectual movements are recovering stories once controlled by foreign viewpoints. A key component of Africa’s global repositioning is the decolonization of knowledge creation and education. With indigenous knowledge systems discounted as primitive, African history, philosophy, and science were either erased or reinterpreted through a Eurocentric perspective for millennia. Scholars all throughout the continent are pushing back now, demanding that African universities, research labs, and policy think tanks lead dialogues about development, government, and history. The change is clear in the growing focus on African-centered curricula, the comeback of conventional government models in political debates, and the worldwide respect for African contributions to sectors such as medical, agriculture, and environmental conservation.
One of the main battlefields in this intellectual rebirth is the argument about language in education. Once methodically discouraged under colonial control, African languages are being recovered as legitimate tools for knowledge creation. A long-standing advocate of linguistic decolonization—that is, pushing African writers and academics to produce in their native tongues instead of English or French— Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o is gathering support. Universities in nations like Kenya and South Africa are including indigenous languages in their curricula, therefore subverting the presumption that intellectual development must pass via European languages to be valid. This linguistic change relates not only to cultural pride but also to epistemic independence and the capacity to define knowledge in African terms.
Africa’s impact is also becoming more evident in debates on world policies, especially in fields where its past offers insightful analysis. One such example is the leadership of the continent in climate change campaigning. Africa suffers disproportionately even if it contributes the least to world carbon emissions; rising temperatures, irregular rainfall, and desertification jeopardizing food security and livelihoods call for Africa. Using this reality, African countries have pushed for climate justice by advocating financial pledges from developed countries to assist in adaptation initiatives. With African diplomats driving conversations on sustainable development models that give environmental preservation first priority without compromising economic progress, the African Union’s influence in negotiating climate legislation has grown in recent years.
Another area where Africa is bucking conventional globalization ideas is technology. Although Western and Asian economies drove the digital revolution mostly, Africa has created its method of technical progress. With solutions like M-Pesa transforming financial transactions and acting as a model for cashless economies all around, the continent has become a pioneer in mobile banking and fintech innovation. Creating solutions catered to local needs rather than depending on imported technologies, African companies are also generating discoveries in health tech, agrotech, and renewable energy. Rising African-built software and artificial intelligence applications show that Africa is not only a consumer of world technology but also an innovator able to shape the digital future.
Structural problems still exist notwithstanding these developments. One still big challenge is intellectual capital flight, sometimes known as “brain drain.” Many of Africa’s greatest brains leave the continent in quest of greater academic and professional possibilities, therefore helping other areas to grow but creating voids in home innovation and policy-making. While some countries are using incentives to keep qualified professionals and draw those in the diaspora back to Africa, the long-term fix is to build an environment where African talent may flourish free from the need for validation or possibilities overseas.
The struggle for narrative control is hardly finished. Foreign interests still mostly define Africa’s appearance in global media; Western news organizations set the standard for how African events are covered. The predominance of foreign media in covering African events implies that even favorable events are sometimes interpreted via outside viewpoints, therefore reinforcing antiquated stereotypes of Africa as a continent in constant need rather than as a partner in world advancement. Expanding African-owned media outlets and internet platforms is essential to making sure the world sees Africa as seen by Africans.
Africa’s reassertion in globalization goes beyond only rewriting stories or guaranteeing economic development. It is about attaining long-term sovereignty in important fields traditionally under the influence of outside powers. Long a battlefield for foreign interests attempting to exploit its resources, shape its policies, and extract riches under cover of investment, the continent continues to realize the dangers. Although Africa is making headway in negotiations and using its economic and cultural might, maintaining this momentum calls for fundamental changes to strengthen its independence.
Though in different forms, the extractive economic model that marked Africa’s entry into the world system still hangs around. Countries with plenty of resources nevertheless battle with ownership and control over their natural riches. For many nations, oil, minerals, and agricultural exports remain important sources of income; nonetheless, processing and industrialization of these resources still mostly occur outside of the continent. The outcome is an economic system whereby foreign companies rule over the most profitable features of global trade—manufacturing, technology, and value-added industries—while African countries stay at the bottom of the global supply chain.
Reversals of this dynamic are under growing demand. Nations like Botswana have shown how smart use of resources may help the national economy. Botswana has kept more of its earnings in its economy by refusing to just export raw diamonds and instead bargaining for local processing and value addition. Models must be embraced in many sectors. One approach African governments are claiming more control over the national economy is the push for local content regulations, which mandate foreign businesses source labor and supplies inside the nations they operate in. Still, enforcement is uneven; some governments yield to political demands or temporary financial incentives that compromise long-term economic sovereignty.
Apart from resource exploitation, Africa’s financial autonomy remains a divisive topic. Western monetary institutions still mostly shape the financial systems of the region. Many African countries structure their currencies to the euro or the US dollar, therefore restricting their capacity to carry out autonomous monetary policies. Still used in several West and Central African countries, the CFA franc is a clear illustration of how financial systems from the past endure in the present. Calls for reform notwithstanding, political opposition, economic concerns, and the influence of former colonial powers who gain from keeping the status quo have made it difficult to destroy such systems.
Concurrent with this is the emergence of alternative financial systems challenging conventional banking and monetary institutions throughout Africa. Millions more Africans now have access to financial services thanks to fintech developments without depending on traditional banks. Blockchain technology and cryptocurrencies are under more and more research as a means of escaping tight monetary regulations and enabling cross-border trade free from reliance on Western banking institutions. These technologies provide Africa a chance to create a financial infrastructure free from outside influence, even if they create regulatory difficulties.
The technological capacity of Africa also determines its power to shape globalization. However, the continent trails in high-tech sectors, including artificial intelligence, semiconductor manufacturing, and advanced manufacturing, even if it has made progress in mobile banking and digital solutions. With crucial areas like cybersecurity, telecommunications, and data storage generally under foreign control, reliance on imported technology puts African countries open to outside interference. The movement for digital sovereignty—ensuring African countries own and govern their digital infrastructure—is intensifying. To lessen reliance on outside digital infrastructure, some governments are starting to fund local data centers, national cloud computing networks, and homegrown software businesses. Africa runs the danger of lagging in the next generation of technological innovations, though, without robust legislative frameworks and funding for STEM education.
Securing Africa’s global competitiveness depends much on education. Many African educational systems still follow out-of-date colonial curricula that do not fit current economic and technical requirements. Although colleges all throughout the continent turn out graduates in great numbers, there is sometimes a mismatch between the skills taught in classrooms and the expectations of the employment market. Rwanda and other nations have aggressively changed their educational institutions to include coding, robotics, and entrepreneurship into courses of instruction. More general structural reforms are required, nevertheless, to guarantee that African young people are ready to lead in sectors that will define the future instead of being limited to low-paying labor markets.
Africa’s role in the globalization process gets even more complicated, given the geopolitical context. China, the United States of America, the European Union, and other emerging countries are all vying for influence. Therefore, the continent remains a target of geopolitical rivalry among the most potent countries in the globe. Although Western involvement in African politics still influences governance institutions in ways that might not always line up with African objectives, concerns about debt reliance have been raised by infrastructure projects funded by Chinese money. Negotiating these links for Africa presents a difficulty since it means avoiding depending too much on any one outside force. A new approach to gaining favor and enabling more bargaining power is the move toward multilateralism, in which African countries link with several partners instead of identifying with a single dominant force.
In the framework of this geopolitical balancing act, regional cooperation is absolutely vital. Originally mostly considered a symbolic body, the African Union is today becoming more and more active in the coordination of policies all throughout the continent. As shown by the employment of African-led mediation instead of Western interventions, attempts to resolve conflicts expose a rising dedication to national solutions. In line with this, the military and security alliances among African countries are growing, and the continent is depending less on foreign military aid, which usually comes with political implications.
The road ahead is yet unknown, even if development is underway. Though it is a dynamic and sometimes erratic process, globalization shapes Africa’s path by means of changing political and economic environment. Whether or whether the continent can overcome its issues—which include governance flaws, infrastructural shortages, and national economic inequalities—will define whether it can keep its pace. It is still a disputed territory that requires careful navigation to make sure Africa is actively changing world systems in ways that fit its long-term interests instead of merely melting into them. Africa is framed in the West as a controversial subject, even if its involvement in globalization is growing more aggressive.
Excerpts of Keynote Address, Conference on Globalized Africa, Obafemi Awolowo University, June 12, 2025.

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By Richard M. Mills, Jr., Richard Montgomery, Sanna Selin, Svein Baera, and Pasquale Salvaggio
On Democracy Day, the heads of missions of the United States, United Kingdom, Finland, Norway, and Canada would like to recognise and congratulate the Nigerian people’s commitment to 26 years of democratic governance. Healthy democracies are formed of many important ingredients and when marking 25 years of democracy in Nigeria in 2024, President Tinubu underlined that in Nigeria “there must be diverse perspectives and viewpoints.” Free expression has long been a core value of Nigeria’s democracy. Nigeria’s constitution enshrines the right to freedom of expression, aiming to protect its citizens’ rights and foster a society where people can debate and discuss ideas free from government control. This right, a principle of trusting ordinary citizens to have discussion in the virtual public square, remains vital today.
In April, Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) raised concerns about the 2015 Cybercrimes Act, the amendments made to it in 2024, and the law’s impact on free expression. The Act has laudable aims: to combat online fraud and cyberattacks. There is growing evidence, however, that the Act is being misused by some to silence criticism and dissent. The NHRC’s advisory opinion on freedom of expression warned that it “has potential for abuse, particularly with respect to arrests and prosecutions of activists, journalists, bloggers, and ordinary social media users.” In addition, in 2022 the ECOWAS Court of Justice ruled that the Act is not in conformity with the country’s obligations related to freedom of expression under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Misuse of the Cybercrimes Act undermines democratic advancement and civic participation. It also jeopardizes the confidence of investors and risks deterring the innovation needed for economic growth.
Consider the case of Dele Farotimi, charged with 12 counts of cybercrime after he reported alleged corruption in the judiciary in a book and on a podcast. Farotimi was allegedly detained in Lagos, transported across state lines to Ekiti, and brought to court in handcuffs. Though the charges were eventually withdrawn, his ordeal highlights a troubling issue – the Cybercrimes Act, originally intended to combat online fraud and cyberterrorism, can be misused as a tool to stifle free expression and undermine democratic engagement. Farotimi is not alone. Journalists, activists, and ordinary citizens have faced similar charges for sharing opinions or reporting on alleged corruption. This distortion of the law’s original intent can lead to citizens becoming hesitant to speak out, weakening democratic accountability and potentially fuelling distrust in government.
The Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC) estimates the country loses $500 million per year to cybercrime. This problem requires a response. However, the Cybercrimes Act’s broad language, especially its vague definitions of “false information,” “cyberstalking,” “harassment,” and “insult” leave room for confusion and potential abuse. The law’s broad scope allows it to be misused against Nigerian citizens seeking to express dissent, form opinions, or criticize powerful people. NHRC has called on law enforcement to “exercise caution” in how they interpret the Act’s frequently used Section 24 to make sure that charges reflect an actual threat to public order.
We therefore welcome the commitment from Nigeria’s Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, to collaborate with the National Assembly and relevant stakeholders in reviewing the Cybercrimes Act so that it protects the values enshrined in Nigeria’s constitution.
The implications extend beyond free expression. Nigeria’s economic future depends on its ability to innovate and attract investment in the digital age. However, the Cybercrimes Act’s misapplication, even in a small number of cases, risks detracting the innovators and entrepreneurs the government wants to invest in Nigeria. The Cybercrimes Act also contributes to uncertainty abroad about Nigeria’s legal landscape. Its vague provisions make it difficult for businesses and investors to assess legal risks, hindering investment in industries that rely on digital content. Reform is needed to protect both citizens’ rights and Nigeria’s future.
The undersigned Heads of Mission in Nigeria encourage Nigerian lawmakers to consider reform of the Cybercrimes Act to narrow the definitions of key terms such as “false information,” cyberstalking,” insult,” hatred,” and “harassment,” and ensure those definitions cannot be used erroneously to silence critics and censor expression. As friends of Nigeria who share the country’s strong commitment to democratic values, we want Nigeria to realise its potential as a democratic digital powerhouse. We would therefore welcome the Nigerian government amending the Act to strike a balance between protecting citizens while preserving human rights, including free expression. This will be a difficult balance to strike but is vital for delivering what Nigeria wants: a stable and open democracy, and economic growth underpinned by investment.
Nigeria is not alone in facing this problem. Democracies across the world are grappling with the ever-evolving challenges and opportunities that the digital world presents. Through the Council of Europe’s Global Action on Cybercrime project, Nigerian lawmakers are receiving funding and technical assistance to help the current review of the Act lead to legislation that meets international standards and best practices.
However, the deadline for the Act’s review has consistently been delayed, and we urge Nigerian lawmakers to make this review a priority, and ensure it is open to public consultation and debate.
Free expression is a precious commodity that relies on all of us to respect it. It is a fundamental tenant of Nigeria’s constitution. Nigerians, and any citizens of countries around the world, should be able to hold and express their views, even if those opinions are unpopular.
Richard M. Mills, Jr., U.S. Embassy;
Richard Montgomery, British High Commission; Sanna Selin, Embassy of Finland; Svein Baera, Embassy of Norway; and Pasquale Salvaggio, Canadian High Commission.

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